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Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams

Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams


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Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams was the son of the head engineer and general manager of the largest mining company, was born in Cuba in 1922. After being educated at the Colorado School of Mines he became a successful businessman.

In 1958 Ruiz-Williams began working to overthrow Fulgencio Batista. This included providing Che Guevara with "food, dynamite, trucks, tractors, a lot of things." However, the authorities became aware of Ruiz-Williams's political sympathies and left the country in December 1958.

Ruiz-Williams returned to Cuba after Fidel Castro gained power in January 1959. According to Larmar Waldron, the author of Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK (2005) Ruiz-Williams "soon became disillusioned with the violence and repression of Castro" and moved to the United States. Ruiz-Williams joined with Manuel Artime, Tony Varona, Rafael Quintero, Aureliano Arango and Jose Cardona to establish the Movement for the Recovery of the Revolution (MRR Party).

In March 1960 Richard Bissell had drafted a top-secret policy paper entitled: A Program of Covert Action Against the Castro Regime (code-named JMARC). This paper was based on PBSUCCESS, the policy that had worked so well in overthrowing President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. In fact, Bissell assembled the same team as the one used against Arbenz: (Tracy Barnes, David Atlee Phillips, David Morales, Jake Esterline, Rip Robertson, E. Howard Hunt and Gerry Droller “Frank Bender”). Added to the team was Desmond FitzGerald, William Harvey and Ted Shackley. In August 1960 Dwight Eisenhower authorized $13m to pay for JMARC.

John F. Kennedy was given a copy of the JMARC proposal by Bissell and Allen W. Dulles in Palm Beach on 18th November, 1960. According to Bissell, Kennedy remained impassive throughout the meeting. He expressed surprise only at the scale of the operation. The plan involved a 750 man landing on a beach near the port of Trinidad, on the south coast of Cuba. The CIA claimed that Trinidad was a hotbed of opposition to Castro. It was predicted that within four days the invasion force would be able to recruit enough local volunteers to double in size. Airborne troops would secure the roads leading to the town and the rebels would join up with the guerrillas in the nearby Escambray Mountains.

At a meeting on 11th March, 1961, Kennedy rejected Bissell’s proposed scheme. He told him to go away and draft a new plan. He asked for it to be “less spectacular” and with a more remote landing site than Trinidad. Bissell now resubmitted his plan. As requested, the landing was no longer at Trinidad. Instead he selected Bahia de Cochinos (Bay of Pigs). This was 80 miles from the Escambray Mountains. What is more, this journey to the mountains was across an impenetrable swamp. As Bissell explained to Kennedy, this means that the guerrilla fallback option had been removed from the operation.

As Allen W. Dulles recorded at the time: “We felt that when the chips were down, when the crisis arose in reality, any action required for success would be authorized rather than permit the enterprise to fail.” In other words, he knew that the initial invasion would be a disaster, but believed that Kennedy would order a full-scale invasion when he realized that this was the case. According to Evan Thomas (The Very Best Men): “Some old CIA hands believe that Bissell was setting a trap to force U.S. intervention”. Edgar Applewhite, a former deputy inspector general, believed that Bissell and Dulles were “building a tar baby”. Jake Esterline was very unhappy with these developments and on 8th April attempted to resign from the CIA. Bissell convinced him to stay.

On 13th April, John F. Kennedy asked Richard Bissell how many B-26s were going to be used. He replied sixteen. Kennedy told him to use only eight. Bissell knew that the invasion could not succeed without adequate air cover. Yet he accepted this decision based on the idea that he would later change his mind “when the chips were down”. The following day B-26 planes began bombing Cuba's airfields. After the raids Cuba was left with only eight planes and seven pilots. Two days later five merchant ships carrying 1,400 Cuban exiles, including Ruiz-Williams, and other members of the MRR arrived at the Bay of Pigs.

According to Nestor T. Carbonell, Ruiz-Williams "fought bravely" until he was "blown into the air by an enemy shell... he was hit by more than seventy pieces of shrapnel. Both of his feet were smashed and he had a hole near his heart and a large one in his neck." Haynes Johnson, the author of The Bay of Pigs, Ruiz-Williams was taken to a field hospital. Soon afterwards, Fidel Castro made a visit to the hospital. The badly wounded Ruiz-Williams "recognized him at once. He groped under his thin mattress and tried to reach a .45 pistol he had concealed there earlier in the afternoon." Ruiz-Williams pointed the gun at Castro and pulled the trigger but it was empty. Castro asked Ruiz-Williams what he was trying to do, kill me?" Ruiz-Williams replied "That's what I came here for. We've been trying to do that for three days."

In April 1962 Castro released sixty of the most seriously wounded of those who took part in the Bay of Pigs operation. This included Ruiz-Williams. He then worked closely with Robert Kennedy in order to negotiate the release of the rest of the prisoners. William Turner claimed that Williams was very close to Kennedy: "Harry Williams was a Kennedy kind of man, tough and liberal and ferociously anti-communist. He is burly, round-faced, and handsome; he combines the geniality of a Lions Club toastmaster with a tough-minded singleness of purpose."

Richard D. Mahoney has argued that "throughout the summer of 1962, amid Republican flak for attempting a trade with the enemy... Robert Kennedy worked with Ruiz-Williams... to get the talks with Castro going again." Eventually they were successful and on 24th December 1962, 1,113 prisoners were released. Nestor T. Carbonell has pointed out that President John F. Kennedy "invited the Bay of Pigs brigade chiefs to his villa in Palm Beach. There, flanked by Jacqueline Kennedy and her sister, Princess Lee Radziwill... the President greeted Manuel Artime and the others, including Ruiz-Williams".

In his book, Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK (2005) Larmar Waldron discloses details of a "Plan for a Coup in Cuba" that was authorized by John F. Kennedy and run by Attorney General Robert Kennedy. The Central Intelligence Agency code name for their supporting role in the the coup was AMWORLD. According to Waldron, the CIA arranged for a leading figure in the Cuban government to arrange the assassination of Fidel Castro.

Waldron and Hartmann argue that the death of Fidel Castro was to be followed by an armed invasion of US military-trained Cuban exiles. These men would have been veterans of the Bay of Pigs operation. The coup leader would then join a coalition government made up of Enrique Ruiz-Williams, Manuel Artime, Juan Almeida, Manolo Ray and Tony Varona.

The authors of Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK (2005) argue: "C-Day was undoubtedly one of the most secret covert operations in United States history. In its secrecy, however, lay tragedy. Even though the Kennedys’ coup plan never came to fruition, three powerful Mafia dons - Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Johnny Rosselli - learned of the plan and realized that the government would go to any lengths to avoid revealing it to the public. With that knowledge, the three mob bosses were able to assassinate JFK in a way that forced the truth to be buried for over forty years."

Ruiz-Williams was a major source for this C-Plan story and came under attack from some historians after the book was published. They also objected to the idea that Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Johnny Rosselli were involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. For example, Jefferson Morley argues: "Their exhausting, massive account, grounded in new CIA and Army records, valuably fleshes out Russo's portrait of RFK's secret campaign to oust Castro. But their theory about how that ties into the assassination itself is conjectural. They inflate tenuous links between Oswald and organized-crime figures and presume that the Mafia had a bureaucratically savvy leadership. To attribute the gunfire in Dallas and the alleged subsequent cover-ups to the ingenuity of thuggish crime bosses like Jimmy Hoffa, Johnny Roselli and Santo Trafficante Jr. has the feel of a deus ex mafia , wrapping up a complicated story too neatly."

David Talbot has argued: "While the authors' thesis is provocative, it is not convincing. The Kennedys undeniably regarded Castro as a major irritant and pursued a variety of schemes to remove him, but there is no compelling evidence that the coup/invasion plan was as imminent as the authors contend. But according to Waldron and Hartmann, though the exceedingly ambitious coup/invasion plan was supposedly just days away from being implemented when Kennedy was assassinated, key U.S. military officials like Defense Secretary Robert McNamara had still not been told about it. The idea that the Kennedys would seriously undertake such a risky operation without the participation of their defense secretary, a man they trusted and admired more than any other Cabinet member, defies reason."

Enrique Ruiz-Williams died on 10th March, 1996.

The “Plan for a Coup in Cuba” was fully authorized by JFK and personally run by Robert Kennedy. Only about a dozen people in the US government knew the full scope of the plan, all of whom worked for either the military, the CIA, or reported directly to Robert. The Kennedys’ plan was prepared primarily by the US military, with the CIA playing a major supporting role. Input was also obtained from key officials in a few other agencies, but most of those who worked on the plan knew only about carefully compartmentalized aspects, believing it to be a theoretical exercise in case a Cuban official volunteered to depose Fidel.

Unique and different from any previously disclosed operation, the Kennedys’ “Plan for a Coup in Cuba” is revealed in this book for the first time. The CIA’s code name for their part of the coup plan has never surfaced in any book, article, or government investigation. Officially declassified in 1999, “AMWORLD” is the cryptonym the CIA used for the plan in its classified internal documents. Since the overall coup plan was under the personal control of Attorney General Kennedy, who did not use a code-name for it, we call it “C-Day” in this book, a name entirely of our own invention. Its evocation of D-Day is intentional, since the Kennedys’ plan included the possibility of a US military invasion

C-Day was undoubtedly one of the most secret covert operations in United States history. With that knowledge, the three mob bosses were able to assassinate JFK in a way that forced the truth to be buried for over forty years.

Marcello, Trafficante, and Rosselli undertook this extraordinary act of vengeance in order to halt the Kennedy administration’s unrelenting prosecution of them and their allies. The Kennedy Justice Department had vigorously pursued Marcello, even subjecting him to a brief, nightmarish deportation. Once he returned, Marcello hated the Kennedy brothers with a deep and vengeful passion. The two other Mafia bosses suffered similar pursuit, and eventually Marcello, Trafficante, and Rosselli decided that their only way to avoid prison or deportation was to kill JFK. Our investigation has produced clear evidence that the crime bosses arranged the assassination so that any thorough investigation would expose the Kennedys’ C-Day coup plan. They were confident that any such exposure could push America to the brink of war with Cuba and the Soviet Union, meaning that they could assassinate JFK with relative impunity.

They did not carry out the act themselves, but used trusted associates and unwitting proxies. The most widely known are Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald, who were both in contact with associates of Marcello, Trafficante, and Rosselli in the months before the assassination. Reports in government files show that Oswald and Ruby knew about parts of the Kennedys’ plan and even discussed it with others.

Robert Kennedy told several close associates that Carlos Marcello was behind JFK’s death, but he couldn’t reveal what he knew to the public or to the Warren Commission without C-Day being uncovered. As this book shows, RFK and other key government officials worried that exposure of the plan could trigger another nuclear confrontation with the Soviets, just a year after the Cuban Missile Crisis.

None of the seven governmental committees that investigated aspects of the assassination, including the Warren Commission, were officially told about the Kennedys’ C-Day plan. However, over the decades, each successive committee came increasingly close to discovering both the plan and the associates of Marcello who assassinated JFK. We were able to piece together the underlying story by building on the work of those committees, former government investigators, and revelations in four million documents that were declassified in the 1990s. Key to our efforts were new and often exclusive interviews with many Kennedy insiders who worked on the coup plan or dealt with its consequences, some of whom revealed aspects of JFK’s assassination and the coup plan for the first time. They include Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Press Secretary Pierre Salinger, and the Kennedys’ top Cubanexile aide, Enrique “Harry” Ruiz-Williams. Their inside information allows us to tell the story, even though a 1998 report about the JFK Assassinations Records Review Board confirms that “well over a million CIA records” related to JFK’s murder have not yet been released. NBC News’ Tom Brokaw confirmed on his September 29, 1998 broadcast that “millions” of pages remain secret and won’t be released until the year 2017.

By necessity, Ultimate Sacrifice examines this complex story from several angles. Part One documents every aspect of the Kennedys’ C-Day plan and how it developed, beginning with the Cuban Missile Crisis. Though it is widely believed that JFK agreed not to invade Cuba in order to end the Cuban Missile Crisis in the fall of 1962, Secretary of State Rusk told us that the “no-invasion” pledge was conditional upon Castro’s agreement to on-site UN inspections for nuclear weapons of mass destruction (a term that JFK first used). Historians at the National Security Archive confirmed that because Castro refused such inspections, the pledge against invasion never went into effect. Consequently, in the spring of 1963, John and Robert Kennedy started laying the groundwork for a coup against Fidel Castro that would eventually be set for December 1, 1963.

Robert Kennedy put the invasion under the control of the Defense Department because of the CIA’s handling of 1961’s Bay of Pigs disaster. The “Plan for a Coup in Cuba,” as written by JFK’s Secretary of the Army Cyrus Vance with the help of the State Department and the CIA, called for the coup leader to “neutralize” Cuban leader “Fidel Castro and . (his brother) Raul” in a “palace coup.” Then, the coup leader would “declare martial law” and “proclaim a Provisional Government” that would include previously “selected Cuban exile leaders” who would enter from their bases in Latin America. Then, at the invitation of the new government, after “publicly announcing US intent to support the Provisional Government, the US would initiate overt logistical and air support to the insurgents” including destroying “those air defenses which might endanger the air movement of US troops into the area.” After the “initial air attacks” would come “the rapid, incremental introduction of balanced forces, to include full-scale invasion” if necessary. The first US military forces into Cuba would be a multiracial group of “US military-trained free Cubans,” all veterans of the Bay of Pigs. Upon presidential authorization, the US would “recognize [the] Provisional Government . warn [the] Soviets not to intervene” and “assist the Provisional Government in preparing for . free elections.”

This “palace coup” would be led by one of Castro’s inner circle, himself a well-known revolutionary hero. This man, the coup leader, would cause Castro’s death, but without taking the credit or blame for doing so. The coup leader would be part of the new Provisional Government in Cuba, along with a select group of Cuban exiles - approved by the Kennedys - who ranged from conservative to progressive. The identity of the coup leader is known to the authors, and has been confirmed by Kennedy associates and declassified documents. However, US national security laws may prevent the direct disclosure of past US intelligence assets even long after their deaths, so we will not directly name the coup leader in this book. Since we have no desire to violate national security laws or endanger US intelligence assets, we will only disclose official information that has been declassified or is available in the historical record.

We have uncovered historical accounts of Cuban leaders that have been long overlooked by the public or are in newly released government files. For example, a formerly secret cable sent to the CIA director on December 10, 1963 - just nine days after the original date for the C-Day coup - reports “Che Guevara was alleged to be under house arrest for plotting to overthrow Castro,” according to “a Western diplomat.” Newly declassified documents and other research cast Che’s growing disenchantment with Fidel Castro in a new light. These revelations include Che’s secret meetings with three people close to the Kennedys, followed by yet another house arrest after a C-Day exile leader was captured in Cuba.

In Ultimate Sacrifice, researchers Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann propose a novel variation on the Mafia conspiracy theory. They report that Bobby Kennedy sought to orchestrate a "palace coup" in Havana on Dec. 1, 1963 - which the authors refer to as "the Kennedys' C-Day plan," "a name entirely of our own invention" that they use alongside actual terms from the time, doing their credibility no favors. Mafia crime bosses, they contend, learned of this plan and killed Kennedy, using Oswald as their patsy, knowing that the crime could not be investigated lest it reveal Bobby's secret scheme.

Their exhausting, massive account, grounded in new CIA and Army records, valuably fleshes out Russo's portrait of RFK's secret campaign to oust Castro. has the feel of a deus ex mafia , wrapping up a complicated story too neatly.

Amid the grief and speculation that followed the assassination of John F. Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963, a story emerged of an aborted plot to kill the president four days earlier as he rode through the streets of Tampa.

Now, a new book about the assassination attempts to detail the Tampa plot, joining the litany of literature about that fall day in Dallas.

In 900 pages, Ultimate Sacrifice, released Friday, offers a new twist on an old conspiracy theory, with Tampa figuring prominently.

At its core is the notion that the killing was an organized crime hit instigated, in part, by a local Tampa mobster, the late Santo Trafficante Jr.

Authors Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann argue that a trifecta of Mafia dons - Trafficante in Tampa, Carlos Marcello in New Orleans and Johnny Roselli in Chicago - was responsible for killing Kennedy to halt Robert Kennedy, then attorney general, from further Mafia prosecutions. The theory isn't new.

Yet this book also alleges that the government was forced to cover up Mafia involvement in the assassination to protect a top secret plan to stage a coup in Cuba called C-Day. Mob associates had infiltrated the secret project, according to the authors' interviews with Harry Williams, a Cuban exile who said he organized C-Day for Robert Kennedy.

The book's central premise is that federal investigators couldn't implicate the Mafia dons in the assassination without casting light on the planned coup and threatening national security.

More interesting for local readers, the book also claims that Trafficante was behind an attempt to kill Kennedy during his visit to Tampa on Nov. 18, 1963.

Trafficante allegedly called off the attack after an informant alerted law enforcement a few days before the visit, according to the book.

"Of course, Trafficante would have also known that there was still one more chance to kill JFK, in Marcello's territory of Dallas," according to Ultimate Sacrifice.

Plans for the would-be Tampa assassination resembled the Dallas assassination, according to the book. The Tampa gunman would have fired from a window of the Floridan Hotel, then the tallest building in the city. (In Dallas, Lee Harvey Oswald was accused of shooting from a window on the sixth floor of a book depository.)

Kennedy and his entourage of limousines and squad cars wound their way along 20 miles of Tampa streets that day.

Thousands of spectators flanked the route.

The motorcade was expected to slow for a left turn at the Floridan Hotel. (In Dallas, Kennedy was shot while the motorcade slowed to make a left turn.)

The book even names a patsy, a Cuban named Gilberto Policarpo Lopez who was allegedly poised to take the fall in Tampa, unbeknownst to him, according to the authors' interviews with Lopez's wife.

Waldron said he based his reporting of the Tampa plot on interviews with former Tampa police Chief J.P. Mullins, a confidential law enforcement source and a Chicago Secret Service agent, Abraham Bolden.

Mullins has since died.

Waldron also combed records at the Miami Police Department, the agency that got the tip about the assassination plan.

"It's groundbreaking because it reveals the Tampa attempt for the first time in any book, and it tells the complete story of the Tampa attempt," said Waldron, who researched the book for 17 years with the help of Hartmann.

Ultimate Sacrifice is Waldron's first book, although he has written extensively about the Kennedy assassination and Robert Kennedy over the past decade.

The Tampa assassination threat was reported in a story in the Tampa Tribune that ran Nov. 23, the day after Kennedy was shot in Dallas. But details were vague, and there was no follow-up.

An entire 300 pages of Ultimate Sacrifice is dedicated to explaining what could have motivated Trafficante and the other Mafia bosses to kill the president, as well as their efforts to get involved in Robert Kennedy's alleged scheme to overthrow Fidel Castro. Trafficante's interest in getting rid of President Kennedy and invading Cuba was tied to getting back casinos he had lost in Havana when Castro took over and his role in the narcotics trade, according to the book. The authors pulled much of their Trafficante information from unclassified documents, other books and Williams.

A Tampa native, Trafficante was reputed to be a top mob boss, taking over in Tampa from his father in 1954. His name was mentioned in connection with at least four mob hits, he was linked to gambling and drugs, and he faced bribery, racketeering and tax evasion charges over the years. But Trafficante never spent a night in a U.S. jail.

He kept modest homes in Tampa and North Miami Beach, and died in 1987 in a Houston hospital where he had gone for heart surgery.

In 1989, his former attorney, Tampa lawyer Frank Ragano, published a book in which he said Trafficante had confessed to him in 1987 that he had had something to do with the Kennedy assassination. Ragano repeated the claim during sworn testimony he gave to the Assassination Records Review Board in 1997. He has since died. Local Trafficante experts said they were skeptical of this latest book reporting Trafficante's involvement in the assassination, having never seen evidence supporting such a theory.

"In all the research I've done on the matter, I've never heard of such things," said Florida Department of Law Enforcement special agent Ken Sanz, who is working as a consultant for a book in progress on Trafficante. "Never. And quite frankly, it's fresh on my brain."

Waldron and publisher Carroll & Graf of Avalon stand by the reporting in the book, citing thousands of pages of documents, many of which were recently declassified. "It was critical to our credibility that we had to prove C-Day and provide context for how the mob did it," said Charlie Winton of Avalon. The book went on sale at bookstores nationwide on Nov. 18, the anniversary of the planned Tampa assassination attempt.

Every Nov. 22 we are haunted by the unquiet ghost of John F. Kennedy, and last week's anniversary of his assassination was no exception. As usual, none of the flurry of press reports taking note of the mournful occasion shed any new light on what remains the greatest unsolved mystery of the 20th century. The national dialogue about the case remains stuck where Oliver Stone's explosive 1991 film "JFK" and Gerald Posner's bestselling 1993 rebuttal, "Case Closed," left it. Stone's dark dream, peopled by sinister government officials and demons from the underworld, had the virtue of channeling the deepest fears of the American public, a consistent majority of which continues to believe JFK was the victim of a conspiracy. Posner's book, which mounted a game defense of the lone gunman theory in the face of a growing body of contrary evidence, had the virtue of simplicity and calming reassurance.

Though you wouldn't know it from following the media coverage, there have been new developments in the case during the past dozen years - many of them sparked by the thousands of once secret documents released by the government as a result of the furor around Stone's film. (Millions of other pages remain bottled up in agencies like the CIA, in defiance of the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Collection Act.) Some of this recently unearthed information is now beginning to appear in new books, including "Ultimate Sacrifice," this year's most highly touted JFK assassination book.

Written by two independent researchers who spent 17 years on the book - former science fiction graphic novelist Lamar Waldron and Air America radio host Thom Hartmann - the book arrives in a blaze of publicity about its provocative conclusions. Columnist Liz Smith excitedly announced that the book was the "last word" on the Kennedy mystery.

The "revelations" in "Ultimate Sacrifice" are indeed as "startling" as the book jacket promises. The authors contend that before he was killed, President Kennedy was conspiring with a high Cuban official to overthrow Fidel Castro on Dec. 1, 1963 - a coup that would have been quickly backed up by a U.S. military invasion of the island. The plot was discovered and infiltrated by the Mafia, which then took the opportunity to assassinate JFK, knowing federal law officials (including the president's brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who was in charge of the Cuba operation) would be blocked from pursuing the guilty mobsters out of fear that the top-secret operation would be revealed.

While the authors' thesis is provocative, it is not convincing. By 1963, after the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion and the heart-thumping nuclear brinksmanship of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Kennedys were in no mood for any high-stakes Cuba gambits that had the potential to come crashing down loudly around them. Before they entertained such a risky venture, they would have thrashed out the idea within a circle of their most trusted national security advisors - a painful lesson they had learned from the Bay of Pigs fiasco, a closely held plot that JFK had been steamrolled into by his top two CIA officials, Allen Dulles and Richard Bissell.

But according to Waldron and Hartmann, though the exceedingly ambitious coup/invasion plan was supposedly just days away from being implemented when Kennedy was assassinated, key U.S. The idea that the Kennedys would seriously undertake such a risky operation without the participation of their defense secretary, a man they trusted and admired more than any other Cabinet member, defies reason. (For the record, McNamara himself has firmly rejected the notion that JFK was plotting a major Cuba intervention in late 1963, in an interview I conducted with him earlier this year for a book on the Kennedy brothers.)

The Kennedy administration was in the habit of churning out a blizzard of proposals for how to deal with the Castro problem, most of which the president never formally endorsed. It seems that Waldron and Hartmann have confused what were contingency plans for a coup in Cuba for the real deal. In fact, an exchange of government memos in early December 1963 between CIA director John McCone and State Department official U. Alexis Johnson that was released under the JFK Act - and apparently overlooked by the authors - specifically refers to the coup plot as a "contingency plan." On Dec. 6, 1963, Johnson wrote McCone, "For the past several months, an interagency staff effort has been devoted to developing a contingency plan for a coup in Cuba... The plan provides a conceptual basis for U.S. response to a Cuban military coup." The key words here are, of course, "contingency" and "conceptual basis" - neither of which suggests anything definite or fully authorized.

Waldron and Hartmann rely on two key sources for their theory about the coup plan (which they refer to as "C-Day," a code name they concede is entirely their own creation, adding to its chimerical quality) - former Secretary of State Dean Rusk and a Bay of Pigs veteran named Enrique "Harry" Ruiz-Williams, Robert Kennedy's closest friend and ally in the Cuban exile community, both of whom they interviewed before the two men's deaths. But, according to Rusk, he only learned of the coup plan after the Kennedy assassination from sources within the Johnson administration. And considering the legendary antipathy between Bobby Kennedy and Johnson loyalists like Rusk, who often portrayed the Kennedy brothers as fanatical on the subject of Castro, this testimony must be viewed with some skepticism.

Ruiz-Williams, on the other hand, was very friendly with Bobby, phoning him on a regular basis and joining the Kennedy family on ski trips. But his belief that a Kennedy-backed assault on the Castro regime was imminent might be a case of wishful thinking. While Bobby's romantic nature did open his heart to brave anti-Castro adventurers like Ruiz-Williams, RFK's hardheaded side always dominated when it came to protecting the interests of his older brother. And Bobby knew that as the 1964 election year loomed, his brother's main interest when it came to Cuba was keeping it off the front pages. That meant making sure the volatile Cuban exiles were as quiet and content as possible, which is why Bobby was working aggressively to encourage anti-Castro leaders to set up their operations in distant Central America bases, with the vague promise that the U.S. would support their efforts to return to Havana.

At the same time, the Kennedys were secretly pursuing a peace track with Castro, to the fury of the CIA officials and exile leaders who found out about it, seeing it as another blatant example of Kennedy double-dealing and appeasement. Waldron and Hartmann play down these back-channel negotiations with Castro, writing that they were failing to make progress. But the talks, which were spearheaded by a trusted Kennedy emissary at the U.N., William Attwood, were very much alive when JFK went to Dallas.

The authors further undermine their "C-Day" theory by refusing to name the high Cuban official who allegedly conspired with the Kennedy administration to overthrow Castro. They decided to withhold his name out of deference to national security laws, they write, a puzzling decision considering how long ago the Kennedy-Castro drama receded into the mists of history from the center stage of geopolitical confrontation. "We are confident that over time, the judgment of history will show that we made the right decision regarding the C-Day coup leader, and that we acted in accordance with National Security law." This flag-waving statement will surely win the hearts of anonymous bureaucrats in Langley, but it will only alienate inquisitive readers.

While bowing to "national security," Waldron and Thomas cannot help themselves from heavily implying who the Cuban coup leader was - none other than the charismatic icon of the Cuban revolution, Che Guevara, who by 1963 was chafing under Castro's heavy-handed reign and pro-Soviet tilt. If all the authors' winking and nodding about Che really is meant to point to him as the coup leader, this raises a whole other set of questions, not least of which is why the Kennedys would possibly regard the even more incendiary Guevara as a better option than Castro.

If C-Day is a stretch, the second part of the book's argument -- that the Mafia assassinated Kennedy with complete government immunity, using their inside knowledge of the top-secret plan to escape prosecution -- is even harder to swallow. Waldron and Hartmann portray a group of mobsters so brilliant and powerful they are able to manipulate national security agencies and frame one of their operatives, Lee Harvey Oswald; organize sophisticated assassination operations against JFK in three separate cities (including, finally, Dallas); and then orchestrate one of the most elaborate and foolproof coverups in history. Think of some awesome hybrid of Tony Soprano and Henry Kissinger.

It is true that Santo Trafficante, Carlos Marcello and Johnny Rosselli - the three mobsters whom the authors accuse of plotting JFK's demise - were cunning and cruel organized crime chieftains. And they hated the Kennedys for allegedly using their services and then cracking down on them. But even they lacked the ability to pull off a brazen regicide like this by themselves. And if they did, "national security concerns" might have been enough to stop investigators like Waldron and Hartmann, but never Bobby Kennedy, whose protective zeal toward his brother was legendary. All the attorney general would have had to do was explain the national security concerns in the judge's private chambers, and once the coup plan was safely under wraps, his prosecutors would have been free to take the gloves off and go after his brother's murderers.

We appreciate the serious coverage of "Ultimate Sacrifice" in Salon.com, but there are several assertions and omissions in the review written by David Talbot that we'd like to address.

"Ultimate Sacrifice" presents evidence from thousands of pages of declassified documents that John and Robert Kennedy planned to stage a coup against Castro on Dec. 1, 1963, and that the plan was infiltrated by three Mafia bosses (from the mob families that controlled Chicago, Tampa and Dallas). The Mafia chiefs then used parts of the coup plan, including some U.S. intelligence assets, in their plot to kill JFK - first trying in Chicago, then Tampa, and finally Dallas - in a way that forced a coverup to protect national security, and the coup plan. The documentary evidence is backed up by accounts from almost two dozen Kennedy associates involved in aspects of those events, and their aftermath.

The most glaring omission in Talbot's review was not addressing or even mentioning AMWORLD, the CIA's code name for their supporting role in the Kennedy coup plan in 1963. AMWORLD is a major focus of the book. "Ultimate Sacrifice" not only reveals this recently declassified operation for the first time, but documents that it was withheld from the Warren Commission and later congressional investigating committees.

AMWORLD, which began on June 28, 1963, was an integral part of the Kennedys' plan for a coup in Cuba and it's impossible to consider one without the other. Coup planning began in January 1963 as a slow-moving, bureaucratic exercise, and the plan was only in its fourth draft by June 1963. But that month, planning began in earnest after the real opportunity for a high-level coup arose. After the CIA created AMWORLD, millions of dollars began to be devoted to the coup plan. From that point forward, coup planning proceeded rapidly, demonstrating that it had become a live operation. By September 1963 the "Plan for a Coup in Cuba" was in its 13th draft, and the rapid pace accelerated further, continuing through November of 1963. (After JFK's death, the CIA kept the AMWORLD code name, but without the involvement of Robert Kennedy and other key figures, the plan changed radically.)

The most important of our five sources who actively worked on the coup plan was the Kennedys' top Cuban exile aide, Enrique "Harry" Ruiz-Williams (who asked us to always call him "Harry"). Talbot acknowledged in his review that Harry was close to RFK, but says that Harry's "belief that a Kennedy-backed assault on the Castro regime was imminent might be a case of wishful thinking." That's not what the evidence demonstrates. Harry's account - and that of the others - is backed up by many declassified coup plan and AMWORLD documents that talk about them and the operation. High-level AMWORLD documents from November 1963 say that "all US plans (were) being coordinated through" Harry and he had been "so named by Robert Kennedy."

By Nov. 22, 1963, millions of dollars had been spent on the coup plan, hundreds of Cuban-American troops had been trained, U.S. assets were going into Cuba, and everything was ready. As noted in the book, a long-overlooked Washington Post article confirms that Harry's work "had reached an important point" by November 22, when Harry "participated in the most crucial of a series of secret meetings with top-level CIA and government people about Cuba." Harry and other Kennedy associates told us he was going into Cuba the following day, to await the Dec. 1, 1963, coup - a date consistent with what we were told by others who worked with RFK on the coup plan and which is contained in an AMWORLD memo from JFK's CIA director.

Talbot seems skeptical of the coup plan because JFK's Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara told him he didn't know about a "major Cuban intervention" in late 1963. Talbot also questions the credibility of Secretary of State Dean Rusk, who first told us about the coup plan in 1990. However, Talbot didn't mention that Rusk gave an on-the-record confirmation of the coup plan to Anthony Summers for Vanity Fair in 1994, three years before the first "Plan for a Coup in Cuba" documents were declassified. Rusk even explained to Summers why the Kennedys pursued the coup plan and secret peace negotiations with Castro at the same time, saying, "It was just an either/or situation. That went on frequently," though Rusk told Summers that in doing so, "the Kennedys 'were playing with fire.'"

As the book explains, we have only identified a dozen people so far who were fully informed about the coup plan prior to JFK's death, and McNamara wasn't one of them. Evidence indicates the only military figures who were fully informed include Joint Chiefs chairman Gen. Maxwell Taylor, Defense Intelligence Agency chief Gen. Joseph Carroll, and Secretary of the Army Cyrus Vance. Rusk told us he only learned about the coup plan after JFK's death. Still, Rusk and his subordinates - and other officials - had helped to shape the coup plan while JFK was alive, having been told it was being developed in case the CIA found a powerful Cuban official willing to stage a coup against Castro. That's why Talbot was in error when he wrote we must "have confused what were contingency plans for a coup in Cuba for the real deal."

The coup plan was so serious that in the days and weeks before Dallas, Robert Kennedy had a secret committee making plans for dealing with the possible "assassination of American officials" if Castro found out and tried to retaliate. The same people working on those plans were also working on the coup plan and AMWORLD. While Talbot didn't mention those plans in his review, we did include a Nov. 12, 1963, document from that committee in our excerpt, which Salon was kind enough to run.

Our book cites documents totaling thousands of pages from the National Archives, which we encourage people to view for themselves. A reader of Talbot's review might get the impression that we pieced together our story of AMWORLD and the "Plan for a Coup in Cuba" from the documents released in the mid- to late 1990s, but that is not correct. Starting in 1990, we were told about the coup plan and the CIA by Dean Rusk and other Kennedy associates, long before any of the documents were released. We made public presentations about the coup plan and the CIA's role in it beginning in 1993, at historical conferences, on the History Channel, and in Vanity Fair, to draw attention to the documents that remained unreleased. When the coup plan documents finally started being declassified in 1997, they included the same people and phrases ("Plan for a Coup in Cuba") we'd been using for years.


How did a Proud Boys leader with a felony record get into the White House?

By Roger Sollenberger
Published December 15, 2020 6:32PM (EST)

President Donald Trump speaks in the Diplomatic Room of the White House on Thanksgiving on November 26, 2020 in Washington, DC. (Erin Schaff - Pool/Getty Images)

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The chairman of the white nationalist Proud Boys group, a convicted felon, posted photos from inside the White House gates ahead of a violent pro-Trump rally in Washington DC on Saturday, raising new questions about the president's apparent embrace of the right-wing agitators.

Enrique Tarrio revealed that he visited the executive mansion on Saturday after receiving a "last-minute invite to an undisclosed location." The White House later said that Tarrio had not been invited, but had instead taken part in a holiday tour. "He was on a public White House Christmas tour," White House spokesperson Judd Deere said over the weekend. "He did not have a meeting with the president, nor did the White House invite him."

White House public tours are self-guided, and anyone who wants one, including Christmas tours, must apply no fewer than 21 days ahead of their booking date because the application includes a security form and background check. Hopefuls with a felony are generally denied, a former Trump White House official told Salon, unless a senior member of the administration intervenes.

In 2013, Tarrio, also known as Henry Tarrio Jr, was convicted of two class C, one class D and one class E felonies for stealing and reselling $1.2 million worth of diabetes test strips from Abbott Labs, and served 16 months in federal prison. Court records show that he was released in December 2014 with two years probation, and ordered to pay restitution for the full $1.2 million.

On Saturday, Tarrio was accompanied to the executive mansion by other members of Latinos for Trump, including Bianca Garcia, the president of the group, and her son, Armani Garcia, a former intern for Rep. Jody Hice, R-Ga. It is unclear if or when Latinos for Trump applied for its White House tour, and unclear why Tarrio received a security pass.

In the past, people who have been invited to the White House specifically because of their work on criminal justice reform have been denied entry. For instance, Vicki Lopez, a former county commissioner in Florida who had been previously sentenced to 27 months in federal prison for mail fraud, was not allowed into the Obama White House in 2009, despite receiving a commutation from former President Bill Clinton. People with prior convictions who are able to gain entry are generally given special badges and personal escorts. It would be highly unusual for someone with Tarrio's criminal history to get inside the White House without someone high up in the administration personally pulling strings, according to the former White House official.

A White House spokesperson declined to reply when asked who had checked Tarrio in on Saturday: The East Wing, where visitors usually enter, or the Executive Office of the President.

During the first presidential debate in September, Trump had the opportunity to denounce white supremacists and violent far-right groups — specifically, Democratic opponent Joe Biden invited him to condemn The Proud Boys. Trump did not denounce the group but told them "stand back and stand by," a directive that the group took as an endorsement. The Proud Boys Telegram account wrote, "standing down and standing by sir." Another known account incorporated a version of the phrase — "Stand back. Stand by" — into a new group logo.

"I think this 'stand back, stand by' thing will be another Proud Boy saying," Tarrio told The Daily Beast. (The Beast pointed out that previous slogans were: "The West Is the Best," and the warning "F*ck Around and Find Out.")

Trump eventually condemned the group in a Fox News interview two days later but he also claimed he knew "almost nothing" about them. "I condemn the Proud Boys," Trump said. "I don't know much about the Proud Boys, almost nothing, but I condemn that."

The Proud Boys self-identify as "Western chauvinists," but deny being part of the racist alt-right. Members claim they are instead simply a men's group that promotes an "anti-political correctness" and "anti-white guilt" ideology, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.

On his 2020 Ballotpedia candidate questionnaire, Tarrio cited as his favorite book Pat Buchanan's 2001 "The Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigrant Invasions Imperil Our Country and Civilization."

"This book shows the growing problems and divide in our country," Tarrio wrote. "It allows me to learn how to find solutions to conserve our nation and restore the love we have for it. We are not a perfect nation, but we must strive everyday to get as close to perfection as possible."

The group's initiation process demands aspirants to, among other things, denounce masturbation and recite five brands of breakfast cereal while fighting off an attack from other members. The final requirement for membership involves "a major fight for the cause," founder Gavin McInnes told Metro.us in a 2017 interview.

"You get beat up, kick the crap out of an antifa" and possibly get arrested, McInnes explained.

"Their disavowals of bigotry are belied by their actions," the SPLC says on its profile of the group. "Rank-and-file Proud Boys and leaders regularly spout white nationalist memes and maintain affiliations with known extremists. They are known for anti-Muslim and misogynistic rhetoric."

In 2017, Proud Boys marched at the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virg., but after a neo-Nazi terrorist attack on counter-protesters left one woman dead, the group's founder Gavin McInness sought to create distance from the white supremacist movement. In recent months, members have shown up to counter Black Lives Matter protests, and last month President Trump shared a video of a post-election Proud Boys brawl in D.C., selectively edited to make it appear that a member was a victim, not an instigator.

The group has held rallies where hundreds of members attended, many of them armed. However, its chairman, Tarrio, cannot legally own a gun, because he is a convicted felon. He often appears in photographs wearing a tactical vest with a fruit-flavored malted alcoholic beverage tucked into a front pocket.

The Proud Boys also have ties to longtime Trump associate and convicted felon Roger Stone, and they are open about its support for the outgoing president. Another leader, Joe Biggs, boasted last year that he was having dinner with Trump at the president's D.C. hotel, and shared a picture of himself seated beside Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C. Trump's official schedule that evening included "remarks at a fundraising committee reception" at Trump International Hotel at 8:00 PM.
Tarrio's Saturday visit coincided with a rally in the nation's capital where thousands of right-wing protesters, including several hundred Proud Boys, a number of them dressed in tactical vests and fatigues, took to the streets to protest Trump's election defeat.

This January, Tarrio launched his ill-fated congressional campaign with a launch party at Trump National Doral in Miami on Jan. 25. (Tarrio had to accept Roger Stone's endorsement in absentia that evening, as the Trump confidant had been arrested that morning.) About 300 people attended the event, which caught the tail end of the Republican National Committee's winter meeting and ended with fireworks.

However, his campaign's finance records do not indicate any payments on the night other than a $900 expense on Jan. 27 to Trump's BLT Prime restaurant in Washington, D.C. (There is a BLT Prime at Trump's Doral club as well.) Tarrio later bragged that "We exceeded our expectation by three-fold with 250+ in the building."

A White House spokesperson referred Salon's questions about security checks to the U.S. Secret Service. The Secret Service did not reply to multiple requests for comment.

Roger Sollenberger

Roger Sollenberger is a staff writer at Salon. Follow him on Twitter @SollenbergerRC.

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The lack of public support for Prince Harry

Something interesting that may have gone over a lot of our heads: although Meghan has received plenty of public support from friends such as Jessica Mulroney, Serena Williams and Lindsay Roth, Harry hasn&rsquot received the same treatment from his own circle of friends. The reason: many of his boyhood chums are also on close terms with William. The side effect of siblings close in age (Harry turns 37 this year, while William is 39 in June) means a lot of shared friends and divided loyalties. As Ruiz notes in her Vanity Fair piece, you can&rsquot go against one or the other, especially when one is going to ascend to the throne one day.

Getty Images


Did You Know?

Before there were cars here, there were looms. Constructed in 1923, this building originally housed Biltmore Industries’ weaving shop and had a total of 40 looms in steady operation, producing bolts of some of the finest handwoven wool fabric in the country. Customers included Thomas Edison, Henry Ford, Helen Keller, and several U.S. presidents and first ladies – some even had fabrics named for them, like Coolidge Red and Hoover Gray.


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It was not the only incident of the night, as a smaller separate scrap broke out before the main event started.

Another video posted on social media shows four men involved in a physical altercation.

Despite the chaos in the stands Ruiz was able to keep his composure and take the victory with the judges scoring the bout 117-110, 118-109 and 118-109.

Security tried their best to quell the scenes which was not the first audience fight of the night

After the fight Ruiz said: 'Chris is a veteran and a hard puncher. We did what we had to do tonight. We got the victory that we wanted.

'I was at my lowest point and now I have to climb the ladder again. I'm thankful for the victory and I'm ready to move on to the next.

'He got me with a good clean right hand in the second round. I was too overconfident and dropped my hand a bit. Hats off to him.

'We just kept pushing and pushing. I switched up and started focusing on counter-punching and working the body.

'I felt a little rust and I know other fighters can relate to that. If he wants to run it back, we'll run it back with him.'

Ruiz lost his world championships to Joshua after losing their rematch in December 2019, a battle he lost after gaining weight and blaming 'partying'.

Ruiz recovered from a second round knockdown to beat Chris Arreola in his boxing return


Proud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio has a history of being an informant in criminal investigations

After being arrested in 2012, Tarrio began working as an undercover informant for federal and local law enforcement, assisting in the prosecution of more than a dozen people in drug, gambling and human smuggling cases, Reuters reported.

His role in the cases came to light in a 2014 court hearing in Miami, when a prosecutor and defense attorney asked to reduce Tarrio's sentence in a fraud case because of his cooperation with law enforcement, Reuters reported, based on a transcript of the hearing.

Tarrio and two other defendants had pleaded guilty in a fraud case related to the relabeling and sale of stolen diabetes test kits, according to Reuters.

Tarrio's then-lawyer Jeffrey Feiler called Tarrio a "prolific" informant who assisted police in uncovering three grow houses. He also assisted in cases involving anabolic steroids.

In a human smuggling case, Tarrio met and negotiated to pay $11,000 to bring fictitious family members into the US from another country, his lawyer said in court, according to Reuters.

In an interview with Reuters, Tarrio denied that he served as an informant, but the former prosecutor in his fraud case acknowledged his role in a statement to the outlet.

Federal prosecutor Vanessa Singh Johannes confirmed to Reuters that "he cooperated with local and federal law enforcement, to aid in the prosecution of those running other, separate criminal enterprises, ranging from running marijuana grow houses in Miami to operating pharmaceutical fraud schemes."

Tarrio became involved with Proud Boys when it was founded during former President Donald Trump's campaign in 2016.

He became the group's president in 2018, he previously told Insider.

The Proud Boys were founded as a largely pro-Trump group of men who united in their sexist and discriminatory beliefs.

Their members have been involved in street fights around the US, and several have been arrested for their role in the Capitol riots last month.

Tarrio had been arrested days ahead of the insurrection and banned from Washington, DC, due to allegations that he burned a Black Lives Matter flag at a prior pro-Trump march in the city.

Proud Boys leaders have long maintained that the group is not associated with white supremacy. Tarrio, a Cuban-American, said in a September interview with Insider that while the group is "a little rough around the edges," it's not a white-supremacist organization. "I denounce white supremacy, and I denounce fascism and communism," he said.

The group undeniably hosts members who do have racist, white supremacist, anti-Islam, and anti-Semitic views. The Southern Poverty Law Center, a nonprofit that tracks extremism, categorizes the Proud Boys as a hate group.

Tarrio previously told Insider he now earns an income by selling Proud Boys branded merchandise online, and that he used to work as a government "contractor," without elaborating.

"Now this is what I do 24/7," he said, "I sell T-shirts."

Tarrio didn't immediately return a message from Insider seeking comment on Wednesday.


Harry Potter Fans Surprised By Secret Sex Scene In Prisoner of Azkaban

While the end credits roll in Prisoner of Azkaban, you can see the marauders map in the backdrop. And it's working. It shows where all the people are inside Hogwarts. The end credits were about 11 minutes long. That made it the longest end credits in history at the time. Rus Wetherell took 20 days just to work on the credits. And he worked all day and night.

At one of his very tired moments (4am) he noticed there was a space in the castle where nothing was happening. He told Huffington Post: “There was an alcove in the artwork, it was kind of like an opportunity to have a couple of students hiding in there.

“So I just threw a couple of feet down. It was just something there that was amusing for the adults in the audience and kids wouldn't really understand.“

Let's take a look at the one set of footprints that show one person with their back to the wall and legs apart. There's another set of footprints facing inward with their feet moving.


Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams - History

Dr. Harry Lang attended the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, earned a BS in Physics from Bethany College, a MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. Lang has taught at National Technical Institute for the Deaf (NTID) since 1969, first in the Physics Department, and later as a faculty member in the Master of Science Program in Secondary Education of Students Who are Deaf or Hard of Hearing. He is also a prolific author, including Edmund Booth: A Deaf Pioneer, Teaching from the Heart and Soul: The Robert F. Panara Story, and Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary (co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang ). The dictionary includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. In 2006, Lang was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship.

Harry Lang biographical files for Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences include biographical files on deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. Most files contain clippings, articles, and other research notes.

Lang , Harry G.
Meath- Lang , Bonnie

Dr. Harry Lang is a deaf professor who retired after 41 years at the National Technical Institute for the Deaf at Rochester Institute of Technology. He taught physics and mathematics full time for 14 years, chaired NTID's faculty development department for 7 years, and also taught a methods course to science and mathematics teacher candidates for over 30 years. Lang moved full time into the Master of Science in Secondary Education (MSSE) teacher preparation program in the fall of 2006. Upon retirement in 2011, he was honored with the rank of Professor Emeritus. Lang is a graduate of the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, and earned his BS in Physics from Bethany College (West Virginia), his MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. His research at NTID focused primarily on teaching and learning and the use of technical signs in the science and mathematics classroom. He has published over 50 research and theoretical papers on teaching science and mathematics to deaf students. Lang has published nine books. Educating Deaf Students: From Research to Practice, published by Oxford University Press, was co-authored with Marc Marschark and John Albertini. His other books include three major biographies. Edmund Booth, Deaf Pioneer was published in 2004. Teaching From the Heart and Soul: The Life and Work of Robert F. Panara and, Moments of Truth: Robert R. Davila, the Story of a Deaf Leader (with Oscar Cohen and Joseph Fischgrund) were published in the Fall of 2007. He also published a history of NTID, From Dream to Reality (with Karen Conner) and a book on the contributions of deaf women and men in fields of science since the Renaissance ( Silence of the Spheres: The Deaf Experience in the History of Science). He co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang , Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary, which includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. A Phone of Our Own: The Deaf Insurrection Against Ma Bell, is a history of the invention of the acoustic telephone coupler and its impact on the lives of deaf people, and was published by Gallaudet University Press. He also wrote a history of his alma mater, Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf. Lang was the Senior Advisor on the production team of the PBS documentary, Through Deaf Eyes. In 2008, the film makers, Larry Hott and Diane Garey, received the DuPont Columbia Journalism Award for this film, which is considered the Pulitzer Prize for TV documentaries. In 1984 Lang was honored at RIT with the Eisenhart Award for Outstanding Teaching, and in 2006, he was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship.

The Harry Lang research on NTID history collection contains correspondence, articles, clippings, reports, timelines, chronologies, and other miscellaneous materials related to Harry Lang 's research on the subject of NTID history.

The collection was donated to RIT Archive Collections by Harry Lang in September 2016. Accession number(s): 2016:057

About Harry Lang Dr. Harry Lang attended the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, earned a BS in Physics from Bethany College, MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. Lang has taught at National Technical Institute for the Deaf (NTID) since 1969, first in the Physics Department, and later as a faculty member in the Master of Science Program in Secondary Education of Students Who are Deaf or Hard of Hearing. He is also a prolific author, including Edmund Booth: A Deaf Pioneer, Teaching from the Heart and Soul: The Robert F. Panara Story, and Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary (co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang ). The dictionary includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. In 2006, Lang was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship. About Edmund Booth Edmund Booth was born August 24, 1810. At age five, he lost partial sight and his hearing from illness. He attended the Connecticut School for the Deaf, eventually teaching at the school for five years. From there he travelled to Iowa and helped found the town of Anamosa. Booth left Iowa to seek his fortune in the California Gold Rush in 1849. In 1854 he returned to Anamosa and bought the local newspaper, The Anamosa Eureka. Not only did Booth own the paper, he served as writer and editor as well. Booth was also a passionate advocate for educating deaf children, and he was heavily influential in the establishment of the Iowa State School for the Deaf and the National Association of the Deaf. Edmund Booth died in Anamosa, Iowa in 1905.

The Harry Lang collection on Edmund Booth mainly consists of photocopies of research material Lang used in writing his book, Edmund Booth: Deaf Pioneer. Materials include correspondence, clippings, and remembrances from Booth family members. Topics include biographical information, town of Anamosa, Iowa, and the California Gold Rush.

Lang , Harry G.
Booth, Edmund, 1810-1905

Dr. Harry Lang attended the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, earned a BS in Physics from Bethany College, a MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. Lang has taught at National Technical Institute for the Deaf (NTID) since 1969, first in the Physics Department, and later as a faculty member in the Master of Science Program in Secondary Education of Students Who are Deaf or Hard of Hearing. He is also a prolific author, including Edmund Booth: A Deaf Pioneer, Teaching from the Heart and Soul: The Robert F. Panara Story, and Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary (co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang ). The dictionary includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. In 2006, Lang was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship. About Robert Panara The first Deaf faculty member at NTID, and a key figure in its history, Robert Panara was hired in 1967 to assist in establishing NTID on RIT's campus. He was instrumental in planning NTID's curriculum and preparing RIT's staff with ASL classes. He taught English at NTID and founded the Drama Club in 1970, which has grown into a full performing arts program with numerous productions yearly in the theater at NTID named in his honor. It was at the celebration of NTID's 20th anniversary in 1988 that the Robert F. Panara Theatre was dedicated. Panara is recognized as one of the founders of the National Theatre of the Deaf. He was the only deaf member of the National Advisory Board, and the first NTID faculty member. He was also awarded the RIT Founders Award for his lifetime of achievement and devoted service to RIT. Panara retired from NTID in 1987.

The Harry Lang collection of Robert Panara books by Shakespeare includes fourteen paperback novels and plays by William Shakespeare and used by Robert Panara to teach Shakespeare to the deaf. The books contain Mr. Panara's teaching notes in the margins. Each book is signed by Mr. Panara.

The collection was donated by Harry Lang . Accession number(s): 2015:002

Lang , Harry G.
Panara, Robert
Shakespeare, William, 1564-1616

Dr. Harry Lang attended the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, earned a BS in Physics from Bethany College, a MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. Lang has taught at National Technical Institute for the Deaf (NTID) since 1969, first in the Physics Department, and later as a faculty member in the Master of Science Program in Secondary Education of Students Who are Deaf or Hard of Hearing. He is also a prolific author, including Edmund Booth: A Deaf Pioneer, Teaching from the Heart and Soul: The Robert F. Panara Story, and Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary (co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang ). The dictionary includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. In 2006, Lang was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship. About Robert Panara The first Deaf faculty member at NTID, and a key figure in its history, Robert Panara was hired in 1967 to assist in establishing NTID on RIT's campus. He was instrumental in planning NTID's curriculum and preparing RIT's staff with ASL classes. He taught English at NTID and founded the Drama Club in 1970, which has grown into a full performing arts program with numerous productions yearly in the theater at NTID named in his honor. It was at the celebration of NTID's 20th anniversary in 1988 that the Robert F. Panara Theatre was dedicated. Panara is recognized as one of the founders of the National Theatre of the Deaf. He was the only deaf member of the National Advisory Board, and the first NTID faculty member. He was also awarded the RIT Founders Award for his lifetime of achievement and devoted service to RIT. Panara retired from NTID in 1987.

The Harry Lang collection on Robert Panara includes original materials from Panara as well as correspondence and articles Lang collected while researching the book, Teaching from the Heart and Soul: The Robert F. Panara Story (Washington, D.C.: Gallaudet University Press, 2007). Other materials include notes, student newspaper articles, and class reports from Panara's years at Gallaudet and articles, books, and programs regarding the national Theatre of the Deaf. A small amount of documentation covers Panara's personal life, including his family and a biography.

Lang , Harry G.
Panara, Robert

Dr. Harry Lang is a deaf professor who retired after 41 years at the National Technical Institute for the Deaf at Rochester Institute of Technology. He taught physics and mathematics full time for 14 years, chaired NTID's faculty development department for 7 years, and also taught a methods course to science and mathematics teacher candidates for over 30 years. Lang moved full time into the Master of Science in Secondary Education (MSSE) teacher preparation program in the fall of 2006. Upon retirement in 2011, he was honored with the rank of Professor Emeritus. Lang is a graduate of the Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf, and earned his BS in Physics from Bethany College (West Virginia), his MS degree in Electrical Engineering from Rochester Institute of Technology, and his doctorate in Education from the University of Rochester. His research at NTID focused primarily on teaching and learning and the use of technical signs in the science and mathematics classroom. He has published over 50 research and theoretical papers on teaching science and mathematics to deaf students. Lang has published nine books. Educating Deaf Students: From Research to Practice, published by Oxford University Press, was co-authored with Marc Marschark and John Albertini. His other books include three major biographies. Edmund Booth, Deaf Pioneer was published in 2004. Teaching From the Heart and Soul: The Life and Work of Robert F. Panara and, Moments of Truth: Robert R. Davila, the Story of a Deaf Leader (with Oscar Cohen and Joseph Fischgrund) were published in the Fall of 2007. He also published a history of NTID, From Dream to Reality (with Karen Conner) and a book on the contributions of deaf women and men in fields of science since the Renaissance ( Silence of the Spheres: The Deaf Experience in the History of Science). He co-authored with Bonnie Meath- Lang , Deaf Persons in the Arts and Sciences: A Biographical Dictionary, which includes 150 biographies of deaf scientists, artists, engineers, actors, writers, poets, and other professionals. A Phone of Our Own: The Deaf Insurrection Against Ma Bell, is a history of the invention of the acoustic telephone coupler and its impact on the lives of deaf people, and was published by Gallaudet University Press. He also wrote a history of his alma mater, Western Pennsylvania School for the Deaf. Lang was the Senior Advisor on the production team of the PBS documentary, Through Deaf Eyes. In 2008, the film makers, Larry Hott and Diane Garey, received the DuPont Columbia Journalism Award for this film, which is considered the Pulitzer Prize for TV documentaries. In 1984 Lang was honored at RIT with the Eisenhart Award for Outstanding Teaching, and in 2006, he was awarded the Rochester Institute of Technology Trustees Scholarship Award in recognition of establishing an outstanding record of academic scholarship. He donated videotapes and books that were used to research his book, "A Phone of Their Own."

VHS Tape 1: Historical Development of Telecom Devices (TTY): Interviews with Pete Seilor, Carmen Sciandra, Connie Menkis, Sally Taylor, Joe Bochner, Ellie Rosenfield-3/30/1998. VHS Tape 2: TTY History Interviews: Harry Lang with H Breunig, J Marsters, and Andrea Saks. n.d. VHS Tape 3: NAD Convention Personal TTY Stories. n.d. (1 hr.7 mins) There are two typescripts of From Dream to Reality, early copies with edits documenting the history of NTID, first written by Lynne D. Williams and later published by Harry Lang and Karen Conner.

The collection was donated to RIT Archive Collections by Harry Lang in September 2013. Accession number(s): 2013:085

Lang , Harry G.
Weitbrecht, Robert H.

This collection was donated to RIT Archive Collections by Harry G. Lang in 2007. Accession number(s): 2007:023

Marsters, James C.
Weitbrecht, Robert H.
Lang , Harry G.

The National Technical Institute for the Deaf Alumni Association (NTIDAA) and NTID Alumni Programs were founded in 1974. NTIDAA was founded to create and foster programs and activities that strengthen a mutually valuable and lifelong relationship between the Institute and National Technical Institute for the Deaf (NTID) alumni. NTIDAA sought to be a leader among peer institutions in regards to alumni relations and to provide open communication among its alumni. It was initially organized under the RIT Alumni Association and NTID. A deaf alumni was elected to be a representative to the council. The first alumni chapters of NTIDAA were established in Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia, Rochester, NY, and Washington, D.C. The NTID Office of Alumni Relations was established in 1990 and brought together the needs and resources of the alumni as well as the services of NTID. The Office of Alumni Relations assisted chapters in recruiting prospective students, placing students and graduates in cooperative work or jobs, and recommending continuing education opportunities for alumni to learn new skills. A national advisory board composed of alumni was also established and met annually to discuss future activities of the NTID Office of Alumni Relations. NTIDAA's current mission is to promote relations among alumni, as well as to preserve the alumni heritage and spirit of NTID. NTIDAA provides opportunities for alumni to particpate in alumni activities, events, and NTIDAA operations. According to From Dream to Reality: The National Technical Institute for the Deaf, A College of Rochester Institute of Technology by Harry G. Lang and Karen K. Conner, by the end of the 1990's, there were 20 clubs and chapters across the country with 3,500 members.

Douglas Lang is a graduate of RIT's School of Photography. He attended RIT from 1961-1964.

Professor Harry Rab taught electronics in the School of Printing Management and Sciences in the College of Graphic Arts and Photography from 1974-1991. Soon after he arrived, Rab restructured the course in electronics using his extensive industry experience in the development of phototypesetting machines and in electronics engineering. In August 1984, the School of Printing hosted the International Graphic Arts Education Association's 59th annual convention. Rab was instrumental in arranging the conference for the school.

The Harry Rab slide collection contains images of the RIT School of Printing Management and Sciences facilities and a script about the Institute and printing program. The slides and script were compiled with Linda Tolan (Tolan was involved in RIT recruitment), as a slide show for prospective students. Professor Rab visited various cities over a period of about two years, 1989-1990. The slides show an overview of the printing program, including facilities and major laboratories. The facilities were seen as a particular draw for potential students. In addition to the slides, the collection contains a script with information about RIT and the School of Printing Management and Sciences and two pages of notes about the slides.

Accession number(s): 07:05 Professor Harry Rab donated the collection to RIT Archives in January 2007.


When was he arrested over the destruction of a Black Lives Matter banner?

The Washington Post reported that Tarrio was arrested by D.C. officers on a warrant charging him with burning a Black Lives Matter banner in January 2021.

It was allegedly stolen from a historic black church during a demonstration in December 2020, the paper added.

Cops stopped a vehicle Tarrio was traveling in, shortly after it entered the District, said Dustin Sternbeck, a police spokesman.

BLACK LIVES MATTER

U-KNEE-FIED

SHOCK MOVE

'YOU'RE AN IMPOSTER'

PARK IT!

CASH COVER-UP?

ESCAPING JUSTICE

Sternbeck confirmed that Tarrio has been charged with one misdemeanor count of destruction of property in connection with the December 12 burning of a banner taken from Asbury United Methodist Church.

As of January 5, 2021, Tarrio remains in custody.

He has also been charged with two counts of possession of high capacity ammunition feeding devices.

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Enrique (Harry) Ruiz-Williams - History

William Mulholland's great St. Francis Dam broke at three minutes before midnight on March 12, 1928, sending a 180-foot-high wall of water crashing down San Francisquito Canyon and claiming approximately 470 lives by the time the floodwaters reached the Pacific Ocean at Ventura.

The piano keyboard in the foreground of this photograph is an eerie reminder of the families that were caught unawares in the middle of that fateful night. The flood was the second-worst disaster in California history, second only to the San Francisco earthquake and fire of 1906, and left a huge deposit of silt and rubble where ranches and livestock once stood.

On the hillside in the distance (looking west), the Ruiz family cemetery can barely be discerned. The dam break claimed the lives of six Ruiz family members, Rosaria and Enrique Ruiz and four of their children, ages eight to thirty, who were buried in the little cemetery. Moore's stagecoach stop, built about 1854 and later known as "Holland's" or "Hollandsville," was located just below the cemetery.


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