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Gérard de Rayneval, Conrad Alexandre - History

Gérard de Rayneval, Conrad Alexandre - History


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Gérard de Rayneval, Conrad Alexandre (d. 1790) Diplomat: Gérard was born in France, and served as one of the secretaries of Count de Vergennes, foreign minister under Louis XVI, and as such arranged and signed the treaty between France and the United States in 1778. He was the first French minister accredited to the United States, reaching Philadelphia early in July of 1778. He remained in the American colonies until September, 1779, when he was succeeded by the Chevalier de la Luzerne. In the discussions with Congress in 1779 with regard to the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Great Britain, and arranging the boundaries of the new republic, the Chevalier Gérard played an important part, enjoying the full confidence of Count de Vergennes. In 1779 he received the degree of LL. D. from Yale.


From George Washington to Conrad Alexandre Gérard de Rayneval, 29 October 1783

The Officers of the American Army, to perpetuate those friendships which have been formed during a time of common danger and distress, and for other purposes mentioned in the Institution, did before their seperation associate themselves into a society of Friends under the name of the Cincinnati and having done me the honor to elect me their President General, it becomes a pleasing part of my duty to acquaint you, that the society have done themselves the honor to enroll your name among their Members.

Major L’Enfant, who will have the honor to deliver you this Letter, is charged by the Society with the execution of their Order in France, and has directions to furnish you with one of the first that are compleated, and so soon as the Diploma can be made out, I shall do myself the honor to transmit it to you. With the greatest consideration, respect and esteem—I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient and most humble Servant

Sent also to Comte de Grasse, Comte d’Estaign, Comte de Barras, Chevalier Destouches and Comte de Rochambeau.


Tartalom

Conrad Alexandre Gérard 1753 és 1759 között a mannheimi nádor választófejedelem francia küldöttségének titkáraként, 1761 és 1766 között Bécsben a francia osztrák nagykövetség titkáraként dolgozott . 1766 júliusában Párizsba hívták, hogy a Tanács titkára legyen. államtitkár és a Külügyminisztérium főjegyzője. 1779-ben megválasztották az Amerikai Filozófiai Társaságba .

1778 elején, Vergennes utasítása alapján , az amerikai képviselőkkel, Benjamin Franklinnel , Silas Deane- nal és Arthur Lee -vel folytatta a tárgyalásokat , amelyek eredményeként a Szövetségi Szerződés és a Barátsági és Kereskedelmi Szerződés az Egyesült Államokkal aláírásra került . 1778. február 6. 1778 márciusában Amerikába utazott, mint első akkreditált miniszter Franciaországból az Egyesült Államokba. Silas Deane társaságában hajózott a tizenhét hajóból álló harci flotta négyezer francia katonát szállító comte d'Estaing zászlóshajójának fedélzetén. A kongresszus július 14-én üdvözölte Gerardot, egy nappal azelőtt, hogy megindította volna a Deane elleni vádemelések nyomozását.

Ezt a tisztséget addig töltötte be, amíg a Chevalier de la Luzerne felváltotta , 1779 szeptemberében. Amerikában végzett tevékenysége elsősorban az írók támogatásában állt - akik közül Thomas Paine volt a legismertebb -, hogy a szorosabb francia szövetség számára kedvező hangulatot teremtsen. kissé megkérdőjelezhető kapcsolatok a kongresszus különféle tagjaival , akik tőle kapták az "ajándékokat". A kongresszussal folytatott kommunikációja többnyire szóbeli beszédek voltak a titkos üléseiken. Amerikai tartózkodása alatt megkapta az LL.D fokozatot. származó Yale és az ő visszatér Franciaországba készült egy államtanácsos .


To Joseph-Mathias Gérard de Rayneval

I thank you for your Care in sending my Packet which I received. I congratulate you most cordially on the safe return of your good Brother. The American News papers will give you the honourable Sentiments & Testimonies of Public Bodies with regard to him inclos’d I send you those of my friends and Correspondents which I have extracted from their Private Letters to me imagining they might afford you some Pleasure.5 With great Esteem I have the honour to be, Sir &c.

5 . We have not located the extracts praising Gérard de Rayneval’s brother, Conrad-Alexandre Gérard. It is likely, however, that they included comments by RB , Robert Morris, John Jay, and possibly Cyrus Griffin: XXX , 366, 372, 402–3, 421.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Meng, John J., ed. Despatches and Instructions of Conrad Alexandre Gérard, 1778–1780: Correspondence of the First French Minister to the United States with the Comte de Vergennes. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1939.

Stinchcombe, William C. The American Revolution and the French Alliance. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1969.

Strong, Ruth Hudson. The Minister from France: Conrad-Alexandre Gérard, 1729–1790. Euclid, Ohio: Lutz, 1994.


Conrad Alexandre Gérard de Rayneval.

Library locations The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection Shelf locator: MEZP Topics Gérard, Conrad Alexandre, 1729-1790 Genres Prints Notes Citation/reference: EM3135 Physical Description Wood engravings Type of Resource Still image Identifiers Universal Unique Identifier (UUID): 38f41710-c607-012f-ccc4-58d385a7bc34 Rights Statement The New York Public Library believes that this item is in the public domain under the laws of the United States, but did not make a determination as to its copyright status under the copyright laws of other countries. This item may not be in the public domain under the laws of other countries. Though not required, if you want to credit us as the source, please use the following statement, "From The New York Public Library," and provide a link back to the item on our Digital Collections site. Doing so helps us track how our collection is used and helps justify freely releasing even more content in the future.


New York Harbor

On July 11, 1778, d’Estaing’s fleet of twelve ships of the line and five frigates arrived just off of Sandy Hook at the southern end of New York Harbor. The remainder of Admiral Howe’s fleet in the harbor found itself vastly outgunned and was in no mood for a fight.

French Map of NY Harbor, 1778
Howe’s fleet had arrived in New York Harbor only about two weeks prior. They had returned with the last of the ships from the evacuation of Philadelphia. As soon as Admiral Howe arrived, he received notice from General Clinton that the army had just fought the battle of Monmouth and then retreated to Sandy Hook, New Jersey. The navy then had to ferry the entire army and all of its baggage across the harbor to Manhattan Island, as well as Staten Island and Long Island. They completed all that by July 5, only six days before the arrival of the French fleet.

While sailing from Philadelphia to New York, Admiral Howe had received intelligence that a French fleet under d’Estaing was on its way to America, but did not have much more details. He did not even know if d’Estaing was headed for Philadelphia, New York, Newport, or Halifax. A few days before the arrival of the French fleet, Howe received word that it had been spotted off the coast of Virginia and then sailed up to the Delaware Bay. Howe had only twelve small frigates and six ships of the line in New York, including his flagship, the Eagle.

The outnumbered British scrambled to put their ships into a defensive line off of Sandy Hook, New Jersey. The army deployed 1400 men with artillery at Sandy Hook as well. They feared the French might capture the hook, then force the fleet to withdraw. If they did that, the French would have time to work their way over the sandbar and take New York Harbor. If the French took the harbor, and if the Continentals continued their advance from Monmouth, the British might have to abandon New York entirely and escape to Halifax. If escape was impossible, and British Naval reinforcements could not arrive in time, General Clinton might be looking at the need to surrender his army.

This worst case scenario for the British, of course, never happened. The depth of the water over the sandbar at Sandy Hook would have prevented the two largest French ships from entering the harbor at low tide. The others would have had to enter one at a time, and be subject to attack from shore, and from the British ships of the line in place to oppose them. You might ask, why not enter at high tide? The concern there was you could not know how long the battle would last. The French might find their fleet stuck and unable to withdraw. The risk of losing the fleet for this fight was just not worth it.

The French fleet remained just outside the harbor for eleven days. During that time, d’Estaing evaluated the situation in the harbor and the British defenses. He also conferred with General Washington via messenger about other options. In the end, they decided the British had a much better defensive position and that they would look for a battle elsewhere. On July 22, the French Navy hoisted its sails and moved north toward Newport, Rhode Island. The potential battle for New York was averted and the British breathed a sigh of relief.

I’ll take up the story with the attack on Newport in a future episode.

In the meantime, next week we head south to Florida for the Battle of Alligator Bridge.


Manuscript/Mixed Material Conrad Alexandre Gerard de Rayneval to Thomas Jefferson, September 18, 1789

The Library of Congress is providing access to The Thomas Jefferson Papers at the Library of Congress for noncommercial, educational and research purposes. While the Library is not aware of any copyrights or other rights associated with this Collection, the written permission of any copyright owners and/or other rights holders (such as publicity and/or privacy rights) is required for reproduction, distribution, or other use of any protected items beyond that allowed by fair use or other statutory exemptions. Responsibility for making an independent legal assessment of an item and securing any necessary permissions ultimately rests with the persons desiring to use the item.

Credit Line: Library of Congress, Manuscript Division.

The following items are included in this Collection with permission:

The essay "American Sphinx: The Contradictions of Thomas Jefferson" by Joseph J. Ellis was originally published in the November-December 1994 issue of Civilization: The Magazine of the Library of Congress and may not be reprinted in any other form or by any other source.

The essay "The Jamestown Records of the Virginia Company of London: A Conservator's Perspective" by Sylvia R. Albro and Holly H. Krueger was originally published in a slightly different form in Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference of the Institute of Paper Conservation, 6-9 April 1997 and may not be reprinted in any other form or by any other source.

Rembrandt Peale's 1800 Thomas Jefferson portrait on the Thomas Jefferson Time Line is from the White House Collection, courtesy of the White House Historical Association.

The image of Thomas Jefferson on the home page is from a photomechanical print held in the Library of Congress's Prints and Photographs Division, Presidential File, and is a reproduction of the popular 1805 Rembrandt Peale portrait in the collection of the New-York Historical Society.


Editors’ translation

Paris 6 Fructidor Year 7. 24 August 1799.

At the time when we were in contact socially, you kindly extended to me esteem, confidence, and friendship, and I preserve as something very precious to me the letter with which you honored me at the time of your departure. Today I make bold to lay claim to the result of the sentiments that you expressed therein. The situation is of the highest possible interest for me. Mr. Du Pont, the bearer of this letter, and who has kindly taken on my interests, will explain them to you and will show you the titles on which my request is based. I am convinced in advance, Sir, that you will find it just, and that you will grant me your powerful assistance to make it succeed I am likewise convinced that you will be persuaded of my gratitude for such an outstanding service, as well as of the affection and the perfect consideration with which I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your very humble and very obedient Servant

TJ had written his parting lettre to Gérard de Rayneval in New York on 6 Apr. 1790.


…and ahead: a year of massive challenges

2019 was still a year of cautious consolidation. We have grown faster than expected but we remained a platform of projects that worked silently side by side and in a spirit of open-minded friendship, interlocking knowledge here and there. All data on FactGrid is so far hand picked in tremendously time-consuming work. The GND-input should change the work flow and it should invite projects to start right in the middle of publicly available knowledge. Ten million data sets of people, organisations and places will create a landscape ripe for immediate cultivation.

A lot of questions are still open in this project: Shall we include the whole GND in order to operate as a complete DNB-filial project? Our initial idea was to restrict FactGrid to the early modern period but even such self-imposed and somewhat arbitrary limitations were open to later revision. 1900 had been the line we would draw back in 2018. Today we are confronted with ideas to open FactGrid for research on the entire range of data harvested at the German National Library. How could we deal with personal information of living people without the National Library centre that is responding to requests to modify these data? The opposite threat is just as crucial: And how will we make sure that the input (no matter where it ends) does not turn FactGrid into an agglomeration of data that only a few SPARQL-specialists will be able to mine and which we can hardly keep fresh and alive on our site?

We will have to generate a wider community. We will have to advertise the project in the wider field of Wikimedia projects in order to attract fans of open knowledge from Wikidata and from the different Wikipedia history projects. We will need technical help during the input and we will need a community that adopts this mass of data and that transforms the massive mound of date into a vibrant intellectual playground.

As FactGrid is not exactly a grass roots project we will have to make sure that historical research, archives and libraries will see us as a resource and as a site of collective work. If you belong to the wider world of historians, librarians and archivists and if you are interested in big data you should feel challenged by a project that will turn public data into a treasure one can now, all of a sudden, revise, enrich and explore with unprecedented freedom.

The project will need a more solid technical basis on this course. We need an interface to meet the wider public: an interface which anyone can handle without SPARQL. The interface should be multilingual and it will look more like the Reasonator than our present Wikidata-style pages, which want to be edited rather than looked at.

So, some quite daunting challenges ahead – but we expect it to be inspiring to confront and eventually master them. The software is incredibly cool. It has been opening doors to us during its first one and a half years and we have every reason to think that it will continue to demonstrate this potential for the next years. Wikibase is on its way to become the software of a wide network of Wikibase instances and we should try to become a research platform in this network.


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